Expert Workshop: “China’s Role in Lebanon and Syria”

On June 5, the Institute and the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES) Regional Peace and Security Project held a workshop on “Which Role for China in Lebanon and Syria?” The workshop addressed China's growing role and influence in Lebanon and Syria

 In the opening remarks, Institute Director Dr. Joseph Bahout stressed that the workshop was long overdue, given China's emergence as a regional actor, singling out its role in Saudi-Iran rapprochement as a significant example, while noting China's expanding influence across Africa, the Gulf, and the entire MENA region. Meanwhile, Director of FES Competence Center MENA Peace & Security Marcus Schneider argued that European debates about China's Middle East role are split between two camps: the first views China as an ideological threat, while the second considers it a rising power needing accommodation.
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The first panel, “A Savior in Times of Crisis? Which Role for China in Lebanon?” moderated by the Institute’s Research Development Manager Leila Solh, reflected on the diplomatic, political, economic, and cultural relations between Lebanon and China. IFI’s Regional and International Affairs Cluster Coordinator Yeghia Tashjian presented a historical perspective on China–Lebanon relations. According to Tashjian, Lebanon's strategic geopolitical location has made it significant within China's broader regional ambitions, particularly in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) context. He stressed that China's involvement in Lebanon is strictly non-interventionist, with no interest in engaging in Lebanon's internal political affairs. Instead, the bilateral relationship is grounded in economic and infrastructure partnerships. Tashjian highlighted the perception of major Lebanese communities towards China, noting that it does not aim to become a hegemonic actor in the region akin to the United States. Instead, it seeks to maintain a position of strategic balance. This neutral posture allows China to engage economically with Lebanon while avoiding entanglement in sectarian or geopolitical rivalries. He also addressed key challenges, notably Lebanon's chronic political instability and the impact of US foreign policy. Tashjian stated that while China continues to invest in infrastructure, such as the Tripoli port expansion and potential railway connections, progress has been hindered by regional insecurity and international sanctions, particularly those targeting Syria. Given its geographic proximity to Syria and the Mediterranean, he underlined that Lebanon could serve as a central transit hub to China's reconstruction plans for the region. Despite existing political and economic limitations, China's soft power in Lebanon, manifested through infrastructure projects, trade, and cultural cooperation, remains a significant, though not unlimited, force.
 
Lebanese-Chinese Dialogue Road Association founder Dr. Waref Kumayha addressed the historical ties between China and Lebanon. He emphasized the significance of the Silk Road, noting that it served as one of the most vital bridges connecting the East and the West. In particular, he noted the importance of the BRI in fostering these relations. Viewing Lebanon as an investment opportunity amid the latter’s ongoing economic and political crises, China has engaged in significant investment activities. Addressing Lebanon’s persistent energy crisis, Kumayha stated that China has also supported the country by installing solar panels, providing a sustainable energy alternative. He also pointed out that following the Beirut port explosion in 2020, China was among the countries that provided substantial humanitarian aid. He concluded that China continues to invest in Lebanon, with significant projects, including the expansion of the Tripoli Port and initiatives aimed at developing the Bekaa region.
 
Director of the Confucius Institute at Saint Joseph University Dr. Nisrine Lattouf, presented the various activities of the Confucius Institute, the first of its kind in the region, emphasizing Lebanon’s openness to international dialogue and its multicultural and multilingual nature as key factors for its establishment in Beirut. Lattouf noted that the Institute is a cultural bridge between China and Lebanon, alluding to Lebanon’s internal dynamics and instability as important challenges to the Institute's operations and sustainability.
 
The second panel “War, Transition, Recovery: What role for China in Syria?”  moderated by former Washington Post Beirut correspondent Sarah Dadouch concentrated on the recent developments in Syria within the current regional dynamic and whether China is interested in playing a role in Syria’s reconstruction and future economy.

​Armenak Tokmajyan from the Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center discussed the implications of US-Saudi efforts to stabilize Syria and the integration of Uyghur fighters into the Syrian army. He mentioned that Israeli efforts to fragment Syria through supporting minority separatism, particularly with the Druze communities in Southern Syria, was a major political challenge. Tokmajyan argued that there are three ways to resolve the issue of the Uyghur fighters in Syria: isolation and containing them in a single geographical location; exile; or assimilation and integrating them into security institutions. The current Syrian administration favors the third solution, as Ahmad al-Sharaa relies on these fighters to pursue domestic objectives.
 
IFI Associate Fellow Jihad Yazigi discussed Syria’s current dire socio-economic situation, particularly outside Damascus. He provided a brief history of China’s investments in Syria. Yaziji argued that before the outbreak of the Syrian civil war, China signalled its interest in investing in Syria, particularly through the BRI, which it joined in 2002. However, by 2011, China had withdrawn from its investments due to Syrian civil unrest. Though Syria and China signed a 2023 strategic partnership agreement, Chinese economic engagement has been minimal since the war ended, leaving Gulf states like the UAE and Qatar to take the lead in infrastructure projects. Yazigi labelled China as the “big absent” power in Syria’s reconstruction, adding that Lebanon also needed to take a more active role in Syria’s reconstruction for its own economic good. He concluded that while Syria remains open to Chinese investment, especially in telecommunications, GCC countries are currently driving economic redevelopment, and China has shown limited interest in involving itself in post-war Syria.
 
Finally, Dr. Lishen Wang from the Institute of International Relations at the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences, argued that China’s approach to Syria is a reflection of its pragmatic foreign policy. Wang explained that China and Syria have a “traditional friendship,” and a framework like the BRI is part of a broader commitment to regional stability. She also noted that China was becoming increasingly involved in the Middle East diplomatically, citing its role in mediating between Iran and Saudi Arabia, as well as between Fatah and Hamas. However, China did not have a strong motivation to invest in Syria’s post-war recovery because of the country’s ongoing instability.